Reform Party unveils six election candidates

The Reform Party unveiled at a press conference, 8 May 2010, its first batch of potential candidates for the coming general election. They are:

  • Jeisilan Sivalingam, a process improvement manager with a multinational company;
  • Tony Tan and Hazel Poa (married to each other), entrepreneurs who founded a chain of tuition centres;
  • Abdul Rahim bin Osman, who had contested Cheng San Group Representation Constituency in 1997 alongside the late J B Jeyaretnam;
  • Alec Tok, a theatre director now resident in New York, but also working frequently in Beijing and Shanghai; and
  • Kenneth Jeyaretnam, the Secretary-General of the Reform Party.

A fuller report can be seen in the Sunday Times, 9 May 2010. The Online Citizen did also done a feature and interview with Tony Tan a few months ago, which you can read here.

The press conference began with journalists asking questions about the proposal for an alliance between the Reform Party and the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA). There’s been some hiccup over this with the SDA demurring over the reported “11 points” that the Reform Party had put to the former.

But it seems talks will now be put on hold after the SDA said it was abandoning the list of 11 conditions.

This was confirmed by the Secretary General of the Singapore Democratic Alliance, Desmond Lim.

On this, Mr Jeyaretnam said he was completely mystified as to what has happened.

He claims the 11 points had actually been agreed with the SDA and its leader Chiam See Tong.

He said: “I can only conclude that Mr Chiam did not have the agreement of the SDA when he entered into negotiations with me. We won’t be conducting any further negotiations with the SDA because we’re not entering into negotiations with an organisation that leaks confidential documents to the press.”

— ChannelNewsAsia, 8 May 2010, Link

At the press conference itself Kenneth Jeyaretnam repeatedly said “No comment” to questions about the specifics of these 11 points. The document was supposed to be confidential, he explained, and he would not wish to comment on a leaked document.

I asked him what was the Reform Party’s motivation in seeking an alliance with the SDA in the first place.

In answer, he corrected my assumption. The impetus, the party leader explained, was from the SDA’s side. It was the SDA that approached the Reform Party some time last year.

Nonetheless, the Reform Party was evidently interested enough to explore a tighter alliance rather than a loose electoral pact, as is common among opposition parties come election time. Why? I asked.

Jeyaretnam seemed quite open and honest about his thinking then. “At that stage,” he said, “I had only recently taken over.” The party was still very small then.

“The SDA [would be] a tactical vehicle in a situation where, in Singapore, it may be difficult to find candidates.”

But happily, this own party has since grown, now with over 70 members, it is claimed. More importantly, Jeyaretnam said he was “happy that we have six individuals in the wings,” as candidates. “The Reform Party will [now] be able to field its own team in a [group representation constituency].”

However, changes are afoot to the electoral system, under which the maximum team size in any group representation constituency will be four. If the Reform Party does not finalise an alliance with any other party, then two of the six announced candidates may need to contest single-member constituencies.

Of course — and it is a perennial problem in Singapore politics — nobody has much of an idea where and what the constituencies will be, though in the press conference, passing mention was made of the Reform Party and its hoped-for allies taking an interest in a few areas, including West Coast, Hong Kah and Toa Payoh-Bishan.

* * * * *

There is a very bad habit in Singapore politics of parties attempting to spring surprises on each other, and on the electorate. The government does not announce boundary changes until close to election time, and partly for this reason, opposition parties do not announce potential candidates until the last possible minute.

This makes for an uninformed democracy. To be mature, there must be a fair period of time for the electorate to get to know alternative candidates and their platforms. It is actually good for opposition candidates too, because in most areas, they are up against incumbents who have become familiar faces in their constituencies.

Sure, there is the fear that announcing candidates early only gives the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), with its enormous resources, time to dig up dirt and frame an attack strategy, but dirt can be countered and it is better to have a long learning experience answering queries and framing (and opinion-testing) a rebuttal than try to do it in a rush at election time.

Seen in this light, the move by the Reform Party to announce its potential candidates early is a commendable one. It signifies a party that wants to rise above the petty game that the ruling party has made the norm for Singapore politics. It speaks about its confidence and determination to be prepared.

* * * * *

My assessment, from the answers to the few questions I asked at the press conference, is that the candidates are not yet ready. I chose to ask difficult questions, not because I was out to demolish them, but because it is better for them to face tough questions now than later.

I asked Jeisilan what he thought about the contention, used as a justification for enshrining GRCs, that minority-race candidates cannot win on their own in single-member constituencies (SMCs) which are always majority Chinese. And what did he think of the accusation that minority-race candidates in a GRC team are mere tokens?

This question was asked in the context of the Reform Party’s platform, as articulated by party leader Kenneth Jeyaretnam, opposing the GRC scheme.

Jeisilan flubbed that question. His initial answer suggested that he had not formed any view about it. More importantly, Jeyaretnam had to jump in to cite the examples of his father, the late J B Jeyaretnam, winning Anson SMC, and Obama winning the US presidency, adding “I am sure voters are sophisticated enough to choose the best person for the job.”

Of course, one can debate whether even that hope is well-founded, but the point I wish to make is this: The candidates have lots of homework to do, to anticipate questions and thresh out not just their personal thinking about it, but their collective minds. Every candidate should at least have the preparation and discipline to give the same answer as Jeyaretnam.

Without that discipline, it can get very messy in the heat of an election campaign should individual candidates talk at cross-purposes to each other, which is likely when they have to address a question off the cuff.

Rahim Osman contested under the Workers’ Party banner in 1997; the team got 45 percent of the vote. In 2001 he contested Tampines GRC under the SDA banner, where the team got 27 percent of the votes. Now he’s with the Reform Party.

The question I put to him was this: Does party-hopping suggest that he holds no principles? That he might be an opportunist? Alternatively, given the fact that he campaigned alongside J B Jeyaretnam in 1997, and has now joined Kenneth Jeyaretnam, some might characterise him as one loyal to personalities rather than principles? What would he say to that?

I don’t recall receiving much of an answer.

Tony Tan — he and his wife Hazel Poa were both state-sponsored scholars — came across as the one with the best-prepared self-introduction. He spoke about four areas of interest: (a) whether Singapore’s unique selling proposition, bilingualism, would lose attractiveness as Chinese (in China) rapidly acquire English; (b) what will happen to Singapore’s property market when neighbouring countries liberalise their land-ownership regime; (c) reform of our educational system that is still driven by assessment, and shouldn’t creativity and innovativeness be treated as important as literacy, (d) aging population and immigration issues.

He described Singapore as a “middleman economy” and expressed a view that in an increasingly globalised world, “middlemen will be squeezed”.

“Why should people vote for you?” a journalist asked.

“Don’t vote for me,” Tan said. “Vote for my ideas.”

He probably has ideas, but in the limited time of the press conference, it was not possible to flesh them out. This, he and the Reform Party need to do in the coming months. I’m sure I will have a lot of questions to ask, but since he restricted himself to generalities at the press conference, there was not much for me to grapple with, so I didn’t ask him any question (as far as I can recall).

One thing that occurred to me though was that he could do with snappier soundbites for those ideas. Moreover, rather than say these were the issues he was concerned with, he really should have said: These are my suggested solutions. Which I didn’t quite hear of.

* * * * *

It is heartening to see people take up the challenge and participate in party and electoral politics. Singapore can only be better for it. And these persons deserve admiration for standing up.

But, as I have said before, be careful of what I might call the skewed window.

It’s like this: The people who are most motivated to participate in electoral politics are often the ones most energised by the democracy deficit. Thus the focus is often on holding the ruling party to account, having a voice, and rolling back restrictions on political speech and assembly.

The skewed window comes when these bright and eager persons think that these concerns, that matter so much to them, matter enough to enough people to make a winning strategy.

I have my doubts. While I think the vast majority of people are not unshakably loyal to the People’s Action Party, neither are they so gungho about having an opposition. Two things probably matter a lot more: (a) whether the alternative candidate is a known and trusted personality, and (b) whether there are any concrete policy ideas they like.

My analysis of politics in Singapore is that our opposition parties generally fail on both counts, with the exception of the Low Thia Khiang’s and Chiam See Tong’s high likeability factors.

In a nutshell, telling people “vote for me because we need an alternative voice” is never going to be good enough. Sure, it’s great to have an alternative voice, but what will it say?

For example, I would far prefer the PAP to any voice that espouses ideas drawn from fundamentalist Christianity — though worryingly, the PAP itself seems to include some adherents in its ranks.

* * * * *

I held up the Reform Party’s newsletter “New Dawn” and pointed to an article listing its civil rights agenda, which listed these priorities:

  • Freedom of Expression and Assembly
  • Freedom from Arbitrary Arrest
  • Freedom of Information
  • Restoration of Trial by Jury in serious criminal cases
  • Reform of the Penal Code
  • Separation of the Judiciary from the Legal Service
  • Lifting of Restrictions on Political Activity

(The weird use of capital letters came from the newsletter)

What is the party’s position on another fundamental human right — that of equality? I asked Kenneth Jeyaretnam. In particular, I referred to widespread discrimination against gay, lesbian and transgendered people. What is the party’s stand on the repeal of Section 377A of the Penal Code? On heavy censorship of gay characters and themes?

The reply was little evasive.

Said Jeyaretnam: This comes under the question of equality before the law and respect for rights. LGBT issues “can be seen as one aspect of that.”

“We do believe in equality and individual rights,” he took pains to say.

And then added: “as long as it doesn’t interfere with others’ freedom… Generally, if it is not doing any harm to others, I don’t see why it should be illegal.”

Are you satisfied with that answer? I’m not. Not fully. I notice the repetition of the implied shibboleth: “as long as it doesn’t interfere with others’ freedom”. How does equality for LGBT people infringe on anybody’s freedom? It does not. Giving respect and dignity to gay people does not compromise respect and dignity for others. Letting a gay person live happily does not stop a straight person from being happy — unless he constructs his own happiness on the suffering of others, in which case, he is the problem, not the gay person. He should be the one criminalised, not the gay person.

And why should legality of homosexual expression be conditional — “not doing harm to others”? Here again it is a genuflection to the malevolent anti-gay rhetoric that says homosexual love and expression somehow causes harm. There is absolutely no basis for saying this save prejudice. It is deplorable that anybody should give that much legitimacy to prejudice. Would any fair-minded person conditionalise the legality of heterosex on the basis of not causing harm? Of course not. It should be legal, without demurral. If and when somebody is injured, e.g. because a man rapes a woman, or a flasher exposes himself to a child, the assault is a specific problem and dealt with as such, not a problem that calls into question the entire legality of heterosex.

The use of such conditional language is itself discriminatory, demanding as it does, justification before recognising gay people’s rights, when no similar justification is asked of heterosexuals.

That said, the Reform Party’s position is better than the PAP’s and the Workers’ Party’s (“we don’t have a position on this question”). At least, Jeyaretnam appears to be feeling his way forward, and I will grant that it is a new party, without yet the benefit of time to work out its mind on all issues. Let’s hope it does so soon, and in the right direction. But as it stands, it falls short of the braver and more principled position of the Singapore Democratic Party, which supports repeal, pure and simple.

Equality is fundamental human right. One cannot pick and choose which fundamental rights to espouse. If one does so, on what basis does one then criticise the government for picking and choosing what rights to observe?

10 Responses to “Reform Party unveils six election candidates”

  1. 1 yuen 9 May 2010 at 17:40

    >the implied shibboleth: “as long as it doesn’t interfere with others’

    now guess where they learnt that from

    I am sure everyone, including PAP, are in favour of

    Freedom of Information, Expression, Assembly, etc etc

    “as long as it doesn’t interfere with others’ , threaten social order, detract from economic development, etc etc

  2. 2 matalamak 10 May 2010 at 00:47

    I agree that the RP candidates are not ready. Not just them but I think any others that will be named.

    While I strongly hope for a strong credible alternative, I also have to be realistic that PAP will still form the next govt and with more than 2/3 majority in Parliament.

    Hence those hoping for changes to unpopular laws and policies after elections will most likely be disappointed.

    That’s the reality of Singapore politics.

    It’s never easy for a good alternative to emerge. Just look at Malaysia, Initially promising, the Pakatan Rakyat alternative has weakened a lot since the 2008 election.

    Even the DPJ of Japan has also deteriorated since last year’s win.

    For Singapore, don’t even hope.

  3. 3 Robox 10 May 2010 at 02:45

    Alex, excellent reporting. I recall once reading a comment by an anonymous netizen referring to you as the only real journalist left in Singapore.

    Well, it shows in the professionalism of your report.

    I have also always wondered about the seeming secrecy about actual or potential elections candidates among the opposition parties precisely because I remain convinced that while PAP candidates can coast through elections on the strength of their party name, opposition candidates can only hope to rely on their personal appeal to the voters. Hence, early exposure to the electorate can only help.

    Additionally, I also agree that opposition parties have to face the tough questions now (internally from their political constituency or even beyond) so as to better prepare them for the tough questioning that is looking set to become the norm in Singapore; tough questions stimulate thinking and analytical skills in them, which will become handy in politicians’ core function as policy makers. That’s the internal democracy in the opposition’s ranks.

    Alex, in your article you said:

    “But as it stands, [the Reform Party’s stand on LGBT rights] falls short of the braver and more principled position of the Singapore Democratic Party, which supports repeal, pure and simple.”

    And kudos to the SDP for that, and especially for the fact that they had adopted their stand at a time when LGBT rights didn’t have as much of the backing in Singapore as it has today, which is typical of them. I first learnt about the SDP’s position in 2005, and decided instantly that this was definitely a party I wanted to pay close attention to. I’ve never looked back since and have become a staunch supporter of theirs since. And I can finally say I have found a political home in Singapore.

    That’s what it means to me to be a truly principled political party, and lest your non-LGBT readers think that mine is an exclusively LGBT-centred comment, I would add that the SDP’s strongly principled stand extends to their entire policy platform, most, if not all of which I would have supported anyway.

    By contrast, the Reform party, while billing itself a party espousing the liberal political ideology – the SDP does so as well but is further to the left than the RP – is seeming to turn out more libertarian than liberal in attitude, a theme I will be returning to in my next comment here.

    For now, I will just say that my beef with the libertarian attitude – and they are usually conservatives despite the root “libere’ in their name – is the mistaken application of free market principles, usually “free entry and exit” into a market, and “perfect competition”, in contexts (usually of a sociological and not economic nature) where they are not applicable. Equally mistaken is their expectation of “fair outcomes” resulting from their false premises.

    But back to the SDP and its stand on LGBT rights: I am now making my second appeal to you now to either join the party and stand for elections under their ticket or at the veru laest act as an external consultant on the issue of LGBT rights.

    You are already a highly regarded individual and will give the party – our party as LGBTs – a much needed boost. (If you ask me, you are ministerial calibre.) And as noble as the SDP’s position is on the issue, the details must neceassarily come from LGBTs ourselves so that our straight allies have the material to use in vocalizing their support for us.

    What say you, Alex?

  4. 4 Robox 10 May 2010 at 02:46

    BTW, who’s the second woman in the picture?

  5. 5 yawningbread 10 May 2010 at 13:43

    The woman behind Hazel Poa was not an election candidate. She was introduced as someone interested in women’s issues… I didn’t quite get what her capacity was, or even what her name. Which reminds me….

    The Reform Party’s press conference had the air of a first-time attempt at a press conference. They had no press kit to distribute, the names of the candidates were given verbally but no help was given to reporters as to how to spell their names, some candidates had not quite prepared self-introductions in their own minds, and so basically rambled off the cuff when it was their turn. Even Jeyaretnam had no prepared statement to kick off the press conference with.

    Five candidates spoke. Jeyaretnam mentioned in passing and a soft voice that he was also a candidate. I think the reporter to The Online Citizen missed that passing remark altogether, that is perhaps why in TOC’s report, it said the Reform Party introduced five candidates, when they actually had six.

    I attended the transgender women’s press conference a few days earlier. It was far more professionally run, with press kit, prepared statements, buttons, posters, etc.

  6. 6 tauhuayboy 10 May 2010 at 14:04

    Hey Alex, great reporting. The MSM wasn’t this in-depth in their coverage. Hard-hitting truth reporting is what all Singaporeans should read.

  7. 7 Robox 10 May 2010 at 15:03

    Alex, thanks for you reply about the “second woman” – I think gay men tend to have a special affinity for women whom they think might be powerful, hence my question. But more so, thanks for raising this question at the press conference:

    “And what did [Jeisilan] think of the accusation that minority-race candidates in a GRC team are mere tokens?…More importantly, Jeyaretnam had to jump in to cite the examples of his father, the late J B Jeyaretnam, winning Anson SMC, and Obama winning the US presidency…”

    I’ll reply first to Jeyaratnam’s reply.

    I joined his Abolish GRC FB recently posting a very civil and congenial enquiry on whether his FB group had already discussed what they might have had in mind to replace the guarantee of minority representation after any proposed abolishment of GRCs. I implied, if they had, what were they and if they hadn’t, could I make a proposal.

    I also did ask if any non-Jeyaratnam Indian, or any Malay candidate in an SMC stands as good a chance as his or her ethnic Chinese counterpart from the opposition parties, against any PAP candidate. In particular, I asked if Gandhi Ambalam or Jufrie Mahmood stood equal chances as their ethnic Chinese colleagues.

    Guess what? I got slammed by him for allegedly accusing all Chinese Singaporeans of ethnic chauvinism and racism, which I definitely did not though it is not unreasonable to have come to that conclusion. But, if I had been allowed to eloborate, which I hope to do tomorrow here, I also know very well how Indians and Malays further contribute to the problem. But I didn’t appreciate being slammed for telling the truth, but he proceeded to slam not only Ghandi Ambalam and Jufrie Mahmood, but Dr Chee, Seelan Palay, and Ng E-Jay from completely out of the blue.

    (In the end, he was “pretty sure” that I was Ng E-Jay. Go figure. And I got booted out of his free speech FB for raisng too many difficult questions – an indication, perhaps of his capacity for acountability.)

    I’ve already mentioned here in your blog: I reject any comparison of the electoral chances between a Jeyaratnam and any other minority race candidate. I prefer comparisons between someone like Goh Meng Seng, recently invited to Talking Point, but regarded as many as “a clown” and someone like Gandhi Ambalam or Jufrie Mahmood who speak a lot of sense, but are never even featured by supposedly pro-opposition blogs like TOC or TR, much less the PAP-controlled media.

    As for Jeyaratnam’s comparison of minority race chances with Obama’s election, it’s pure bullshit.

    Obama could only have won if he had a white running mate. He could not have won if his intended vice-preident was black. And Obama won in an American mood to move away, at least for the time being, from the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant Male as President. It’s exactly why Hillary Clinton was a contender.

    But more pertinently, why Sarah Palin was a running mate in a Republican Party that has never had anyone other than a White Anglo-Saxon Protestant Male as either the presidential contender or his running mate.

    I’ve got more to say about this but later.

  8. 8 Robox 11 May 2010 at 01:15

    Alex allow me to use your space to issue an open challenge to the Reform Party, and Kenneth Jeyaratnam in particular.

    I’ve already mentioned that all 9 of 9 SMC’s are currently helmed by ethnic Chinese MPs; perhaps the party strategists from all political parties must know something because, except for JB Jeyaratnam, I don’t remember a single minority race candidate from any party ever being fielded to contest in an SMC. Maybe the other parties could teach Kenneth Jeyaratnam a thing or two about the true ground sentiments.

    But with 12 SMCs up for grabs, this is a golden opportunity for Jeyaratnam to put his money where his mouth is: field two minority race candidates (not himself) and two Chinese candidates (not Hazel or Tony) in four seperate SMCs, and then compare their electoral outcomes.

    Tghen come and tell me that if his father could make it, any minority race Singaporean can as well. That statement of his, btw, is considered a “racist” statement because it tokenizes minorities to one person: JB Jeyaratnam. It does nothing to understand voter trends.

  9. 9 Kate 16 July 2010 at 00:58

    This kind of sucks. I’d been hoping for something better than the WP where I’ve heard things are kind of messy. My grasp on politics is pretty low, so it’s good there’re articles like these, which help me to get a better idea on the local opposition.

  10. 10 STATELESS CITIZEN 8 August 2010 at 21:26

    Good job Reformed Party. You guys have make many in the PAY AND PAY camp nervous with your secret candidates and half hearted answers.

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